On the Road, and Back Home

• After the fact only. A stop is added once Rep. Emmer, the candidate, or the press has posted it publicly. We don't list upcoming stops, even when a campaign has announced them.
• We only see what's published. If he campaigns somewhere and no one posts about it, it won't be here, so the count toward 56 can run low. Know of a stop we missed? Send us the public source.
• District, not location. Map pins sit at the center of each congressional district, not where an event took place. No venues or times. The route line and mileage connect stops only after they've been logged, in the order they happened.
• What's logged is the public message and the public record. His own posts, shown as he published them. Race ratings from the Cook Political Report. Money from FEC filings. Voting-record measures for both candidates in each race, from the same sources for everyone.

This page tracks two things side by side: where Rep. Emmer is campaigning for other Republicans, and what public access his own constituents have had over the same period. Campaigning for colleagues is part of a party leader's job, and leaders in both parties do it. The record here is what he tells voters elsewhere, and what access voters here get.

They're shown only for candidates who have served in Congress, and always for both candidates in a race. Someone who hasn't served gets a link to their own positions instead.

• Voteview (UCLA), this Congress and career. Academic scores built from every roll-call vote a member casts, from −1 (most liberal) to +1 (most conservative). No advocacy group chooses the votes. The headline number is the Nokken-Poole score for the member's most recent Congress, which lets a member's position change from one Congress to the next. The solid dot on the bar is that score. The hollow dot is the member's career DW-NOMINATE score, which averages across every Congress served. The dashed line is the party's median in that Congress. The small line chart shows the score for each Congress served. Scores for the current Congress are based on votes so far, and single-Congress scores move around more than career ones.
• GovTrack ideology score. From 0 (left) to 1 (right). It's based on which bills a member cosponsors and who else signs on, not on votes. It measures legislative alliances, which can differ from voting behavior. Party leaders cosponsor few bills, so their scores are less stable.
• Heritage Action and ProgressivePunch scorecards, always shown as a pair. Both score members across a broad agenda from one side. Heritage Action (conservative) scores agreement with the key votes it selects; we show this Congress and lifetime. ProgressivePunch (progressive) scores the share of votes cast on the progressive side across all the issue areas it tracks; we show its "overall" percentage for this Congress and lifetime. Each group chooses and weighs its own votes, so read the scores as how closely a member matches that group, not as neutral grades. Luria's ProgressivePunch score comes from the group's page as archived in November 2022, since it no longer lists former members.

Rep. Emmer's own scores are in The MN-06 race.

Rep. Emmer runs three federal committees. Emmer for Congress (C00545749) is his own campaign. Electing Majority Making Effective Republicans PAC (C00592089) is his leadership PAC, which can give to other candidates but can't spend on his own race. Emmer Majority Builders (C00859058) is a joint fundraising committee. Donors write one check and the money is split among participating committees, including many of the candidates he visits, under a formula disclosed in advance. A JFC transfer is the candidate's share of money raised jointly, not a gift out of Emmer's own campaign account. Figures are from FEC-processed filings for the 2025–26 cycle. The most recent JFC transfers reported are dated June 30, 2026. Third-quarter reports are due October 15.